Peter Cove on Recidivism Reform
Tuesday, October 24th, 2006

by Peter Cove

The Second Chance Act of 2005, introduced in Congress last month, aims to increase public safety by reducing criminal recidivism. That’s a noble goal. Unfortunately, the act offers a variety of social-welfare programs that have failed in the past. Congress should instead take a lesson from its own success in a similar area—welfare reform— and make work the central policy.

The stakes here are high. Close to 700,000 prisoners are released from state and federal prisons. Of these, nearly 70% are either rearrested or re-incarcerated within three years. Thereafter, upwards of 75-80% are likely to be re-arrested within a decade. The effects on communities and families, and the costs to taxpayers, are considerable. The size of the corrections system has more than doubled in two decades. Nationwide we spend more on the so-called corrections system than we do on education. Any reduction in recidivism would promote wins all around.

Like early efforts in welfare reform, the bipartisan-sponsored bill offers a smorgasboard of social services, with jobs an afterthought. The well intentioned programs satisfy every conceivable social service niche: health, drug treatment, family reconciliation, and literacy. Of the 24 recommendations in the bill, only one (tepidly) suggests employment. The resounding success of “work first” has apparently been forgotten.

For decades, welfare case loads rose, and costs skyrocketed. For decades, Congress’ answer was of the kind it offers felons now: more money for social services, education and daycare. Case loads still rose. Then work-first became law, in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. Promoted by both Republicans and Democrats, and supported by a majority of the House and Senate, work-first broke welfare’s stranglehold on social policy. Caseloads plummeted more than 50%. The Great Society had finally run its course.

But bad policy backed by powerful interests has a way of resurfacing. Having lost the welfare battle, the welfare industrial complex is now striking back. In his recently published book The New New Left, Steve Malanga, City Journal contributing editor, details this special-interest influence:

Having created a publicly funded economy starting with The Great Society in the 60’s, billions of tax dollars have poured into social services. The providers of these, in tandem with elected officials, continue to support funding regardless of the programs’ efficacy. Welfare reform did not just change policy. It took away power. This bill signifies their attempt to refund their programs. What might be the result of all the money proposed for these programs in the bill? In another important new book, Rethinking Rehabilitation, David Farabee makes a persuasive case that studies of programs for rehabilitation are either so seriously flawed that we don’t know whether particular programs work or, where research is valid, show very little impact on the bottom line—reducing recidivism. Farabee looks at prison visitation, substance abuse treatment, education, employment (mostly in prison training), life skills, cognitive behavioral, and faith based efforts. Most come up short.

This does not mean that rehabilitation programs do not work. It just means that, without the foundation of full-time employment, the best-intended social programs have little to no impact. Unlike the nebulous effects of rehab programs, the impact of quickly getting people attached to the labor market, and keeping them employed, is known. Work socializes. It is a real-life reality check on our behavior—and it rewards and penalizes accordingly.

Too often those of us in this field assume problems that will prevent success before we try work. Yes, at face value, it might seem that felons can’t find work as easily as welfare moms. Many cities and states, and many employers, have policies which restrict or forbid the hiring of felons. Perhaps only two-thirds of felons have the skill set, and the mind-set, for work.

But felons can still find work if they want it—and without government subsidies. America Works and other placement services have found more jobs for felons than public dollars could ever support. In fact America Works’ analysis shows that it is as easy to get jobs for felons as for welfare recipients, and they do as well or better. There are many jobs in light industry, for instance, which ex-felons are more capable of handling than our soft population in America.

The Ready4Work project, a pilot program designed and implemented by Public/Private Ventures, has been successful in finding work for many offenders. The program links employers, criminal justice agencies, community associations, and faith-based organizations. To date, it has serviced more than 2800 men and women who have recently returned from prison, and 64 percent of them have been placed into jobs.

Welfare policy has succeeded by rejecting questionable treatments and assuming everyone can and should be given the opportunity of work first. We’ve done it for the women. Don’t the men deserve an equal shot?

Peter Cove is the founder of America Works.